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1. Kissinger observaba en 1973: “In the military sphere, there are two superpowers. In economic terms, there are at least five major groupings. Politically, many more center of influence have emerged…(…)”. Por su parte, Nixon sostuvo en 1969: “(…) First, the United States will keep all of it treaty commitments. Second, we shall provide a shield of a nuclear power threatens the freedom of a nation allied with us or a nation whose survival we consider vital to our security. Third, in cases involving other types of aggression, we shall furnish military and economic assistance when requested in accordance with our treaty commitments. But we shall look to the nation directly threatened to assume the primary responsibility of providing the manpower for its defense” (Doctrina Nixon, 1969, citada en Gaddis, op.cit., p. 296). Finalmente, en su debate con el presidente Gerald Ford durante la campaña presidencial de 1976, Jimmy Carter atacó la política exterior de su antecesor en estos términos: “We ‘ve lost in our foreign policy the caracter of the American people. We’ ve ignored or excluded the American people and the Congress from participation in the shaping of our foreign policy. (…)I want to see our nation return to a posture and an image and a standard to make us proud once again. (…) We ought to be a beacon for nations who search for peace and who search for freedom, who search for individual liberty, who search for basic human rights. We haven’t been lately. We can be once again (…).
Sostuvo Reagan en 1982 ante la Cámara de los Comunes en Londres: “(…) From Stettin on the Baltic to Varna on the Black Sea, the regimes planted by totalitarianism have had more than thirty years to establish their legitimacy. But none — not one regime — has yet been able to risk free elections. Regimes planted by bayonets do not take root. The strength of the Solidarity movement in Poland demonstrates the truth told in an underground joke in the Soviet Union. It is that the Soviet Union would remain a one-party nation even if an opposition party were permitted because everyone would join the opposition party…. (…) In an ironic sense Karl Marx was right. We are witnessing today a great revolutionary crisis, a crisis where the demands of the economic order are conflicting directly with those of the political order. But the crisis is happening not in the free, non-Marxist West but in the home of Marxism- Leninism, the Soviet Union. It is the Soviet Union that runs against the tide of history by denying human freedom and human dignity to its citizens. It also is in deep economic difficulty (…)”. Por su parte, en sesión conjunta ante el Congreso y la nación, George Herbert Walker Bush dijo en su discurso “Toward a New World Order” el 11 de septiembre de 1990 lo siguiente “(…) We stand today at a unique and extraordinary moment. The crisis in the Persian Gulf, as grave as it is, also offers a rare opportunity to move toward an historic period of cooperation. Out of these troubled times, our fifth objective — a new world order — can emerge: a new era — freer from the threat of terror, stronger in the pursuit of justice, and more secure in the quest for peace. An era in which the nations of the world, East and West, North and South, can prosper and live in harmony. (…)Today that new world is struggling to be born, a world quite different from the one we’ve known. A world where the rule of law supplants the rule of the jungle. A world in which nations recognize the shared responsibility for freedom and justice. A world where the strong respect the rights of the weak. This is the vision that I shared with President Gorbachev in Helsinki. He and other leaders from Europe, the Gulf, and around the world understand that how we manage this crisis today could shape the future for generations to come.”
3. En un discurso pronunciado en la Johns Hopkins University en 1993, Anthony Lake sostuvo: “(…) The expansion of market-based economies abroad helps expand our exports and create American jobs, while it also improves living conditions and fuels demands for political liberalization abroad. The addition of new democracies makes us more secure because democracies tend not to wage war on each other or sponsor terrorism. They are more trustworthy in diplomacy and do a better job of respecting the human rights of their people. These dynamics lay at the heart of Woodrow Wilson’s most profound insights; (…) he understood that our own security is shaped bay the character of foreign regimes. Indeed, most Presidents who followed, Republicans and Democrats alike, understood we must promote democracy and market economics in the world –because it protects our interests and security; and because it reflects values that are both American and universal. Throughout the Cold War, we contained a global threat to market democracies; now we should eek to engage their reach, particularly in places of special significance to us. The successor to a doctrine of containment must be a strategy of enlargement –enlargement of the world’s free community of market democracies (…)”. Por su parte, en su discurso en West Point en junio de 2002, George Walker Bush declaró “(…) For much of the last century, America’s defense relied on the Cold War doctrines of deterrence and containment. In some cases, those strategies still apply. But new threats also require new thinking. Deterrence -the promise of massive retaliation against nations- means nothing against shadowy terrorist networks with no nation or citizens to defend. Containment is not possible when unbalanced dictators with weapons of mass destruction can deliver those weapons on missiles or secretly provide them to terrorist allies. We cannot defend America and our friends by hoping for the best. We cannot put our faith in the word of tyrants, who solemnly sign non-proliferation treaties, and then systemically break them. If we wait for threats to fully materialize, we will have waited too long (…)”.
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